Schedule / Horaire
Location: 560A Sidney Smith Hall / Pavillon Sidney Smith, salle 560A
Saturday, May 4, 2013
Sunday, May 5, 2013
Abstracts / Résumés
Le rôle de la négation en français laurentien et en français acadien|
Philip Comeau (Université d'Ottawa)
Il est bien établi que les variétés laurentiennes et acadiennes du français se distinguent sur le plan phonétique et lexical. Il n'existe toutefois pas beaucoup de recherches qui ont comparé les mécanismes internes de ces variétés. La présente recherche vise donc à montrer qu'il existe effectivement une différence dans leur système de négation respectif. Pour ce faire, je m'appuie sur des analyses quantitatives de deux variables sociolinguistiques, soit la référence temporelle au futur et l'interrogation totale.
La variation entre les formes du futur se fait à l'aide de deux formes principales : le futur fléchi (1) et le futur périphrastique (2) :
(1) Je reviendrai demain. (Patrick, GC-18)
(2) Et là après je vas rouvrir ma own petite besogne dans Meteghan. (Véronique, M-296)
De nombreuses études sur le français laurentien (Deshaies et Laforge 1981, Poplack et Turpin 1999, Blondeau 2006, Grimm 2010) montrent que la variation est influencée principalement par la polarité de la proposition (affirmative ou négative) : le futur périphrastique est utilisé presque exclusivement dans les propositions affirmatives. Par contre, les études sur le français acadien (King et Nadasdi 2003, Comeau 2011) trouvent que la polarité ne joue aucun rôle quant au choix des formes du futur et que c'est plutôt la référence temporelle qui influence le choix des variantes : les évènements à proximité du moment de l'énoncé favorisent le futur périphrastique tandis que les évènements plutôt lointains favorisent le futur fléchi.
La polarité en français laurentien influence encore un autre cas de variation, à savoir l'interrogation totale, qui connaît quatre variantes dans la langue parlée : la particule -ti ou -tu (3), l'intonation (4), est-ce que (5) et l'inversion pronominale (6) :
(3) Elle est-ti avec vous-autres? (Denise, GC-21)
(4) Vous êtes pas ben, icitte? (Les Vieux m'ont conté, Antoine Landry, Le prince chéri 1, p. 150)
(5) est-ce que vous y avez été? (Les Vieux m'ont conté, Antoine Landry, Le petit avocat, p.121)
(6) Travailles-tu encore? (Zabeth, GC-12)
Dans son examen détaillé de l'interrogation totale en français laurentien, Elsig (2009) démontre, entre autres, que parmi les variantes qui expriment l'interrogation, seule l'intonation peut apparaître dans une proposition négative. Or, selon nos résultats d'analyses quantitatives, la restriction qu'observe Elsig (2009) ne s'applique pas en français acadien. Somme toute, en français acadien la polarité n'affecte ni l'interrogation ni la référence temporelle au futur.
Dans cette communication, j'examine en profondeur l'effet de la polarité tout en effectuant de multiples comparaisons interdialectales, qui incluent à la fois les données tirées d'un corpus sociolinguistique du français acadien et celles rapportées dans les études menées sur le français laurentien. Les résultats quantitatifs obtenus conduisent à avancer l'hypothèse que les variétés acadiennes et laurentiennes ne soient vraisemblablement pas dotées d'un même système de négation. Je propose également que l'existence de deux systèmes distincts de négation soit à l'origine des différences identifiées relativement aux deux variables.
Comeau, Philip. 2011. A Window on the Past, a Move toward the Future: Sociolinguistic and Formal Perspectives on Variation in Acadian French, Thèse de doctorat, York University.
Blondeau, Hélène. 2006. « La trajectoire de l'emploi du futur chez une cohorte de Montréalais francophones entre 1971 et 1995 », Revue canadienne de linguistique appliquée 9:73-98.
Deshaies, Denise et Ève Laforge. 1981. « Le futur simple et le futur proche dans le français parlé dans la ville de Québec », Langues et linguistique 7:21-37.
Elsig, Martin. 2009. Grammatical Variation Across Space and Time: The French Interrogative System, Philadelphie, John Benjamins.
Grimm, D. Rick. 2010. « A real-time study of future temporal reference in spoken Ontarian French », University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 16:83-92.
King, Ruth et Terry Nadasdi. 2003. « Back to the future in Acadian French », Journal of French Language Studies 13:323-337.
Lemieux, Germain. 1973. Les vieux m'ont conté : contes franco-ontariens, Montréal, Bellarmin.
Poplack, Shana et Danielle Turpin. 1999. « Does the futur have a future in (Canadian) French? », Probus 11:133-164.
Sankoff, Gillian et Suzanne Evans Wagner. 2006. « Age grading in retrograde movement : The inflected future in Montréal French », University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 12:1-14.
Use of the Innu corpus to understand variation in third-person plural marking
Renée Lambert-Brétière (Université du Québec à Montréal)
Polysynthetic languages present challenges for variationist analysis, due to their complex morphological structure. Perhaps due to a lack of suitable corpora, these languages are understudied from a sociolinguistic perspective, despite a sometimes extensive body of dialectological and formal theoretical analysis.
In this paper, I present a variationist analysis of verbal morphology in Innu, an Algonquian language part of the Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi continuum. The corpus used consists of narratives collected from 32 speakers throughout Quebec. Dialectological studies have permitted identification of two major dialect groups: East and West (MacKenzie 1980). In terms of age differences, Drapeau (1993) has suggested that acculturation may lead to accelerated language change among younger Innu speakers.
To test these hypotheses, a subsample has been drawn from the corpus. MacKenzie & Clarke (1981) described regional variability in present conjunct third-person plural marking: -ht is used exclusively in the East, but -tau is found in the West. The present study analyzes variation in the Labovian sense, i.e. within the speech community. Quantitative results from eight speakers from two communities: one Eastern (Uashat-Maniotenam), one Western (Pessamit), representing a variety of ages, demonstrate that the general regional effect holds true, with no variation among Eastern speakers. Age effects among Western speakers indicate change in progress in favour of the -tau form. Individual speaker behaviour suggests that this change may be motivated by another sound change-loss of /h/-, which leads to homophony between the -ht form and the singular ending -t. In fact, younger speakers, who delete /h/, never use the apparently older -ht form, while the two older speakers, who pronounce /h/, make frequent use of the -ht form. This pattern suggests that the phonological innovation had the effect of promoting morphological change in Pessamit. Overall, this study shows the insights possible through variationist analysis of non-Indo-European languages.
Drapeau, Lynn (1993). Bilinguisme et érosion lexicale dans une communauté montagnaise. In Pierre Martel and Jacques Maurais. (ed.), Langues et sociétés en contact. Mélanges en l'honneur de Jean-Claude Corbeil, Vol. 8:363-376. Tübingen: Niemeyer.
MacKenzie, Marguerite Ellen (1980). Towards a Dialectology of Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi. Ph.D. dissertation. Toronto: University of Toronto.
MacKenzie, Marguerite and Sandra Clarke (1981). Dialect relations in Cree/Montagnais/Naskapi: Verb paradigms. In Lynn Drapeau (ed.), Recherches linguistiques à Montréal / Montréal Working Papers in Linguistics, Linguistique amérindienne II, études algonquiennes:135-192.
Between you and I: Case variation in coordinate noun phrases in Canadian English
Robert Prazeres and Stephen Levey (University of Ottawa)
Variable case marking of pronouns in coordinate noun phrases (CoNPs), exemplified in (1)-(2) below, is a well-documented phenomenon that has elicited prescriptive censure for centuries (Tieken-Boon van Ostade 1994).
(1) when the baby would sleep him and I would play cards (QEC: 006/1868)
(2) I went back in with her and then uhm, he and I exchanged numbers after a while (QEC: 223/271)
Drawing on the framework of variationist sociolinguistics, this study presents a detailed quantitative analysis of variable case marking in CoNPs in the Quebec English Corpus (Poplack, Walker & Malcolmson 2006), a massive compendium of vernacular speech. Operationalizing a number of extralinguistic and linguistic factors that are claimed to condition variable case marking in CoNPs (Angermeyer & Singler 2003; Quinn 2005), distributional and multivariate analyses reveal that speaker age and education, as well as the syntactic position of the CoNP and the serial ordering of the conjuncts, are key predictors in determining the case of pronouns in these constructions. Patterns of variation for first-person singular pronouns and third-person singular pronouns are found to differ in fundamental ways. Crucially, case marking remains highly variable in CoNPs across all syntactic contexts in spontaneous speech in spite of Sisyphean efforts by normative grammarians to prescribe a complex set of rules for the use of nominative and accusative pronouns in these constructions. Commentaries ascribing this variation to hypercorrection, along with previous intuition-based explanations invoking categorical syntactic rules (Johannessen 1998), fail to acknowledge what we argue to be a well entrenched case of inherent variability in the language. Apparent-time differences between older and younger speakers viewed in conjunction with diachronic patterns of variability suggest that the accusative is increasingly assuming the role of default case form in CoNPs (Denison 1998).
Angermeyer, Philipp S. and John Victor Singler. 2003. The case for politeness: Pronoun variation in co-ordinate NPs in object position in English. Language Variation and Change 15: 171-209.
Denison, David. 1998. Syntax. In Suzanne Romaine, ed. Cambridge History of the English Language Vol. IV: 1776-1997. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 92-329.
Johannessen, Janne Bondi. 1998. Coordination. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Poplack, Shana, James Walker and Rebecca Malcolmson. 2006. An English like no other?: Language contact and change in Quebec. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 51: 185-213.
Quinn, Heidi. 2005. The Distribution of Pronoun Case Forms in English. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Press.
Tieken-Boon van Ostade, Ingrid. 1994. Standard and non-standard pronominal usage in English, with special reference to the eighteenth century. In Dieter Stein and Ingrid Tieken-Boon van Ostade, eds. Towards a Standard Language 1600-1800. Berlin New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 217-242.
Adjective suffixation across three generations of Italian-Canadians
Yannis John Koumarianos (University of Toronto)
This study provides proof of the ongoing change in the adjective agreement system in the Italian of Italian-Canadians due to contact with English; adjectives in standard Italian agree in gender and number with the noun they modify, via suffixation, whereas in English, adjectives are not marked for either gender or number. This study aimed to provide evidence that morphology is susceptible to variation and change due to contact, over time. Thus, the adjective agreement systems of 12 first, second and third generation Italian-Canadians were compared, using interviews from the HLVC Heritage Language Documentation Corpus.* Traditional versus novel adjective inflection was contrasted using 40 tokens from each speaker. Furthermore, social factors (generation, sex, and contact with Italian) were coded for each speaker; and linguistic factors (prescriptive adjective type, marking on modified noun, noun position, and sound matching) were coded for each token. Using Goldvarb, the factors underwent a multivariate analysis. Using Fisher's exact test, generational effects are shown to be statistically significant. As expected, later generations have greater variation than the first; the results demonstrate quite clearly that language change is not always linear. In our situation, if only the first two generations were looked at, it might seem as if a drastic change is taking place. From a 7% variation of suffixes in the first generation, it jumps to an intimidating 28%. Curiously, this number drops to 17% in the third generation. Reasons for this were discussed. The Italian community has proven rather unique in other Heritage Language studies, and this study provides further proof of this.
Nagy, Naomi. 2009-2012. Heritage Language Variation and Change in Toronto. Research grant. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC). #410-2009-2330.
* The HLVC Corpus is funded by a research grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada 410-2009-2330 (2009-2012) and is developed by Naomi Nagy, Alexei Kochetov, Yoonjung Kang, and James Walker.
Saying nothing: Frequency effects in Dominican Spanish null subjects
Cristina Martinez Sanz (University of Ottawa) and Gerard Van Herk (Memorial University of Newfoundland)
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Bybee (2002) suggests that "every aspect of language can profitably be re-examined in light of the important frequency effects." This has recently led several researchers (Erker & Guy 2012, Bayley 2013) to investigate the effect of verb form frequency on a well-known syntactic variable, subject personal pronoun (SPP) expression in Spanish (1):
(1) yo/0 te voy a hacer una historia buena|
'I'm going to tell you a good story'
They find that frequency does not directly affect rates of SPP, but rather that frequent forms affect other constraints (e.g. semantic content, switch reference), either strengthening them (Erker & Guy) or weakening them (Bayley).
However, existing analyses are largely based on Mexican Spanish, where SPP is constrained in both frequency and distribution, and on varieties in contact with English. Here, we examine the effects of verb form frequency in non-contact Spanish in the Dominican Republic, where SPPs are widespread.
We coded 4573 finite sentences from 39 speakers for verb form frequency and grammatical and pragmatic constraints replicated from earlier studies. In addition to a wider range of possible SPP contexts (already described in Martinez 2011, we find little evidence for any frequency effect at all. Verb-form frequency is not a significant constraint in the full data set. Infrequent forms behave like the full data set, with null subjects favoured by plural subjects and preterits and disfavoured by second singular subjects, stative verbs, and switch reference. Frequent forms also behave like the full set, with reduced effects for most factors (as Bayley found), likely due to the small proportion of the data set taken up by such forms. We suggest that the frequency effects found to date, including our own, reflect the behaviour of particular lexical forms or collocations, not an exemplar-type frequency effect.
Bayley, Robert. 2013. The role of frequency in syntactic variation: Evidence from U.S. Spanish. Centre for Research on Language Contact, York U., Jan. 25.
Bybee, Joan. 2002. Word frequency and context of use in the lexical diffusion of phonetically conditioned sound change. Language Variation and Change. 14.261-290.
Erker. Danny, & Guy, Gregory R. 2012. The role of lexical frequency in syntactic variability: Variable subject personal pronoun expression in Spanish. Language 88: 526-57.
Martinez Sanz, Cristina. 2011. Null and overt subjects in a variable system: The case of Dominican Spanish. PhD dissertation, U. of Ottawa.
"I'm like, 'It's different in York'": Real-time and apparent-time quotative trends in Toronto, Canada and York, England
Matt Hunt Gardner, Derek Denis, Marisa Brook, Sali Tagliamonte, and the U of T Quotative Project* (University of Toronto)
Evidence from the 1990s suggested that the be like quotative was poised to become a "mega trend" of English worldwide (Ferrara and Bell 1995; Tagliamonte and Hudson 1999:168). Indeed, be like skyrocketed and now dominates the quotative system in the speech of young adults in Canada (Tagliamonte and D'Arcy 2004, 2007), the United States (Barbieri 2007), the United Kingdom (Buchstaller 2011), Australia (Rodriguez Louro 2013), and New Zealand (D'Arcy 2012).
In this paper, we trace the emergence and development of be like in a unique four-way study of two communities (Toronto, Canada and York, England) at two points in time (at the turn of the 21st century and in 2013). Our data come from multiple corpora: the 1997 York English Corpus (Tagliamonte 1998), previously unexamined for quotative use; the 1996 York Storytelling Corpus (Tagliamonte and Hudson 1999); the 2003-2005 Toronto English Archive (Tagliamonte and D'Arcy 2007); and a new collection of sociolinguistic interviews recorded in Toronto and York in 2013.
Preliminary results suggest that the diffusion of be like to York lagged behind Toronto. While be like represented seventy percent of the quotative system of twenty-somethings in Toronto by the turn of the century, in York the form had only just arrived (14%) at the end of the nineties. Be like appears to have entered the York community suddenly, led by a handful of highly-gregarious innovators (cf. Denis 2011); by 2006, as reported by Durham et al. (2012), be like was the majority variant in York.
In total, our analysis includes an unprecedented 12,000 quotatives. Data of this magnitude afford us the chance to make robust use of new statistical techniques (mixed-effects regression, conditional inference trees, and random forests) to examine the potential "inter-variety parallelism" (Tagliamonte 2002) associated with the rise of be like in two very distinct communities.
* Thanks to Al-Hawra Al-Saad, Shakeera Baker, Matthew Barozzino, Anjanie Brijpaul, Sarah Cao, Kwan Chan, Judy Chau, Jasmine Po Yan Choi, Suekyoung Choi, Annita Chow, Yeogai Choy, Leif Conti-Groome, Susana Coto, Naomi Cui, Joel Dearden, Alice Dutheil, Younghoon Eom, Izzy Erlich, Neil Fletcher Hoving, Dylan Fotiadis, Samantha Fowler, Leor Freedman, Paula Garces, Francesca Granata, Norhan Haroun, Jangho Hong, Rong Huang, Yanling Huang, Sherry Hucklebridge, Chia-Tzu Juan, Yerbol Kerimov, Sherina Khan, Parisa Khosraviani, Caroline Kramer, Ophelia Kwong, Brian Lang, Victor LeFort, Jian Li, Shengnan Li, Jennifer Li, Yayun Liang, Samantha Pei-Hsuan Lu, Grace Lui, Kit Lui, Hanna Lyle, Julienne Mackay, Vanessa Mak, Eula Mangantulao, Bianca Masalin-Basi, Jonathan Mastrogiacomo, Robin McLeod, Denise Medina, Trista Mueller, Anoja Nagarajah, Diana Nicholls, Jungwook Park, Tae Park, Victoria Peter, Jennifer Pratt, Monty Preston, Assad Quraishi, Philipp Rechtberger, Maria Recto, Heather Regasz-Rethy, Kristen Santos, Louise Shen, Maksym Shkvorets, Brianna Stein, Patricia Thompson, Stephanie Travassos, Khoa Tu, Yi Wang, Luke West, Ravi Wood, Jessica Yeung, and Sung-Jun Yoon.
Barbieri, Federica. (2007). Older men and younger women: A corpus-based study of quotative use in American English. English World-Wide, 28, pp. 23-45.
Buchstaller, Isabelle. (2011). Quotations across the generations: A multivariate analysis of speech and thought introducers across 5 decades of Tyneside speech. Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory, 7, pp. 59-92.
D'Arcy, Alexandra. (2012). The diachrony of quotation: Evidence from New Zealand English. Language Variation and Change, 24, pp. 343-369.
Denis, Derek. (2011). Innovators and innovation: Tracking the innovators of and stuff in York English. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics, 17(2), pp. 61-70.
Duham, Mercedes, Bill Haddican, Eytan Zweig, Daniel Ezra Johnson, Zipporah Baker, David Cockerman, Esther Danks, and Louise Tyler. (2012). Constant linguistic effects in the diffusion of be like. Journal of English Linguistics, 40, pp. 316-337.
Ferrara, Kathleen, and Barbara Bell. (1995). Sociolinguistic variation and discourse function of constructed dialogue introducers: The case of be + like. American Speech, 70, pp. 265-290.
Rodriguez Louro, Celeste. (2013). Quotatives down under: Be like in cross-generational Australian English speech. English World-Wide, 34(1), pp. 48-76.
Tagliamonte, Sali. (1998). Was/were variation across the generations: View from the city of York. Language Variation and Change, 10, pp. 153-191.
Tagliamonte, Sali. (2002). Comparative sociolinguistics. In J. K. Chambers, Peter Trudgill, and Natalie Schilling-Estes (eds). The handbook of language variation and change, pp. 729-763. Oxford/Malden, MA: Blackwell.
Tagliamonte, Sali, and Alexandra D'Arcy. (2004). He's like, she's like: The quotative system in Canadian youth. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 8, pp. 493-514.
Tagliamonte, Sali, and Alexandra D'Arcy. (2007). Frequency and variation in the community grammar: Tracking a new change through the generations. Language Variation and Change, 19, pp. 119-217.
Tagliamonte, Sali, and Rachel Hudson. (1999). Be like et al. beyond America: The quotative system in British and Canadian youth. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 3, pp. 147-172.
On the (non-)grammaticalization of utterance-final right in Canadian English
Derek Denis (University of Toronto)
Variationist studies that consider pragmatic markers (PMs) often relate their results to grammaticalization (e.g., Cheshire 2007). However, two recent case studies of General Extenders (e.g., and stuff), showed limited evidence for Heine's (2003:579) mechanisms of grammaticalization (Tagliamonte and Denis 2010; Pichler and Levey 2011). Grammaticalization of these PMs stalled or never started. Instead, these studies suggest that pragmatic change may not follow the gradual/serial development associated with grammaticalization (cf. Traugott 1995, Himmelmann 2004). However, the inventory of empirically investigated pragmatic phenomena must be extended before any conclusions can be made. An ideal case is another frequent and multifunctional PM-Utterance Final Particles (UFPs) (1).
(1) a. We were doing something, you-know! (CESOE/F/1906)|
b. We don't give our email address out because Dan has to do it all, right. (TEA/F/1931)
This paper reports on the development of UFPs in two corpora of Canadian English representing an apparent-time span from 1879 to 2003: the Corpus of Earlier Spoken Ontario English (Denis 2012) and the Toronto English Archive (Tagliamonte 2006). Each of the 1200+ tokens was coded for social factors and pragmatic function (based on Gold 2005). The study reveals:
1. Change in progress: In the one-hundred-and-twenty year timespan, right is replacing you-know. The development of right can be traced from inception to majority status.
2. Counter-evidence to grammaticalization: Although older speakers use right for fewer pragmatic functions, this is crucially an artifact of its status as an incoming form.
In sum, the rise in frequency of right is not concomitant with gradual/serial expansion of pragmatic functions as predicted by grammaticalization theory (cf. Himmelmann 2004:32). Rather, from its inception, innovative right mapped directly onto all of the pragmatic functions of its main competitor (you-know). The variationist approach demonstrates that the development of another PM is inconsistent with the framework of grammaticalization.
Denis, D. (2012). Reaching a Little Further Back: Building a sociolinguistic corpus from oral histories. Paper presented at Changement et Variation au Canada VI, UQÀM/McGill University, Montréal, Québec, June 2 2012.
Gold, E. (2005). Canadian Eh?: A Survey of Contemporary Use. In Proceedings of the 2004 Canadian Linguistics Association Annual Conference. M-O. Junker, M. McGinnis and Y. Roberge (eds.), http://www.carleton.ca/_mojunker/ACL-CLA/pdf/Gold-CLA-2004.pdf
Heine, B. (2003). Grammaticalization. In The Handbook of Historical Linguistics. B. D. Joseph and R. D. Janda (eds.). Malden, Mass: Blackwell. pp. 575-599.
Himmelmann, N. P. (2004). Lexicalization and grammaticalization: Opposite or orthogonal? In What Makes Grammaticalization? A Look from its Fringes and its Components. Bisang, W., N. P. Himmelmann, and B. Wiemer (eds). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 21-42.
Pichler, H. (2010). Methods in discourse variation analysis: Reflections on the way forward. Journal of Sociolinguistics 14(5): 581-608.
Pichler, H. and S. Levey. (2011). In search of grammaticalization in synchronic dialect data: General extenders in northeast England. English Language and Linguistics 15(3): 441-471.
Tagliamonte, S. A. (2006). "So cool, right?": Canadian English entering the 21st century. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 51(2-3) 309-331.
Tagliamonte, S. A. and D. Denis. (2010). The stuff of change: General extenders in Toronto, Canada. Journal of English Linguistics 38(4): 335-368.
Traugott, E. C. (1995).The role of the development of discourse markers in a theory of grammaticalization. Paper presented at the International Conference on Historical Linguistics XII, Manchester 1995.
Any and no negation in Southern Ontario English
Christopher Harvey (University of Toronto)
Age grading has been typically associated with those linguistic features with a high level of social awareness (Labov 1994). However, is it possible that age grading is extant when a linguistic variable is more subconscious? Here, an individual will tend to use different forms of a community-stable variable depending on their age: younger and older speakers the informal variant, and middle-aged speakers the more formal (Tagliamonte 2012). I show that there is indeed such age grading in Toronto English, specifically in how sentences are negated: periphrastically or synthetically.
In English there are two parallel constructions for expressing negation with an indefinite pronoun complement: either the verb is negated and the pronoun takes the 'any' form, or the negation occurs on a 'no'-form pronoun:
"When I was a kid there wasn't anything like that."
"There's nothing you can do about it."
The choice to use either 'any' or 'no' constructions depends on an interplay between language-internal and external factors. I consider both forms of negation to be within the standard language and there is little awareness among speakers when to choose one variant or the other. The type of verb to which the pronoun is a complement plays the largest part in determining the variant: those containing functional verb collocations like 'there's' or 'I've' usually do not take 'any' constructions (less than 40%) whereas lexical verbs such as 'think' or 'remember' are almost always followed by 'any' pronouns (more than 80%). Whether the speaker chooses the variant predicted by the grammar or not is in part determined by sociolinguistic factors.
I show that in Toronto, women and men display very different tendencies in this variable: women's sentences have universally high levels of 'any' negation; the men's results are clearly age-graded. That is, males increasingly use 'no' negation during middle-age. I argue that, in this age group, males are preferentially selecting the more conservative and formal of the two variants - 'no' variation being a survival from Old English while 'any' was brought into popular usage in the 17th century. They are employing this construction as a subconscious means to sound more formal in their professional years.
Labov, William. 1994. Principles of Linguistic Change: Internal Factors. Oxford: Blackwell.
Tagliamonte, Sali A. 2012. Variationist Sociolinguistics: Change, Observation, Interpretation. Wiley-Blackwell.
Sociophonetic variation of word-final stop voicing in Toronto English
James Smith (University of Toronto)
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Phonologically voiced consonants in English are frequently devoiced, exhibiting little acoustic evidence of voicing. (Lisker & Abramson 1967; Haggard 1978; Docherty 1992; Smith 1997). No studies to my knowledge have examined variability of voicing in English in any variety of Canadian English. This paper presents results of a variationist analysis of word-final stops in the speech of native English speakers born and raised in the city of Toronto.* The study tested the hypothesis that age, sex, education, and ethnicity play a role in the phonetic realization of word-final stops in Toronto English. The results of distributional and multivariate analysis of the contribution of internal and external factors selected as significant to the probability of devoicing in Toronto English showed that the strongest predictors of word-final stop devoicing are phonetic: following phonetic context and the presence or absence of explicit stop release. These results support Chambers' (2009) notion of devoicing as a vernacular universal, where final voiced consonants undergo general phonetic weakening at pauses and intonational phrase. Word-final devoicing also varied significantly by both age and ethnic background. Results of multivariate analysis comparing each ethnic group separately showed that devoicing is subject to different internal constraints for the significant factor group of following phonetic context according to ethnic background. Social factors of speaker age and sex interacted with ethnicity. Young Italian male speakers and older male Caucasian speakers tended to favour devoicing. Middle-aged female speakers appeared to favour devoicing, with no significant effect of ethnicity among the female speakers. The results presented here advance the understanding of phonological variation in Toronto English and broaden the understanding of phonological variation in Canadian English in general.
* The data for this study were extracted from the Toronto English Archive corpus, funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (Tagliamonte 2003-2006; Tagliamonte 2006).
Chambers, J.K. (2009). Sociolinguistic theory: Linguistic variation and its social significance. Revised Edition, Malden MA: Wiley-Blackwell.
Docherty, Gerard. J. (1992). The Timing of Voicing in British English Obstruents. Berlin: Foris Publications.
Haggard, Mark (1978). The devoicing of voiced fricatives. Journal of Phonetics, 6(2), 95-102.
Lisker, Leigh and Abramson, Arthur S. (1967). Some effects of context on voice onset time in English stops. Language and Speech, 10(1), 1-28.
Smith, Caroline (1997). The devoicing of /z/ in American English: effects of local and prosodic context. Journal of Phonetics, 25(4), 471-500.
Tagliamonte, Sali A. (2003-2006). Linguistic changes in Canada entering the 21st Century. Research Grant. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC). #410-2003-0005. http://individual.utoronto.ca/tagliamonte.
Tagliamonte, Sali A. (2006). "So cool, right?": Canadian English entering the 21st century. Canadian English in a global context: Theme Issue of Canadian Journal of Linguistics, 51.2/3, 309-331.
Word-final [t,d] in Cape Breton English
Matt Hunt Gardner (University of Toronto)
Word-final (t,d) deletion is one of the most widely studied sociolinguistic variables, and its study has often been the conduit through which sociolinguistic theory and practices have developed and expanded (see especially, Guy, 1980). In most communities the variable is diachronically stable, and is conditioned by phonological and morphological rules that are remarkably consistent from community to community.
This paper extends the analysis of variable (t,d) into a speech community in which it has yet to be studied and in which a 'fully-realized' and a 'deleted'(t) or (d) are not the only variants that co-occur. In Cape Breton English standard "realized" word-final (t,d) and non-standard word-final (t,d) deletion compete with a traditional fricated (t,d) and incipient glottal stop. This paper thus aims to test the consistency of the phonological and morphological rules for variable (t,d) in a variable system in which competing constraints for other variants are operation.
Furthermore, within the last 20 years Cape Breton has undergone rapid and significant economic and demographic change. The community offers a unique window into the relationship between traditional dialect features and social change. Thus this paper also aims to test whether the use of the traditional fricated (t,d) variant (or any of the variants) has changed as the community itself has changed.
Data (N=6989) from the Cape Breton English Corpus, a collection of 88 sociolinguistic interviews recorded in the community, were analyzed using mixed effects logistic regression in the statistical modeling environment R. The expected phonological and morphological constraints were found, not for (t,d) deletion, but for standard (t,d) realization. No sex effect and almost no word-final glottal stop use was found for all variants for speakers born before 1980. For speakers born after 1980, there was a statistically significant increase in glottal stop use by females and an equally dramatic and statistically significant increase in fricated (t,d) use by males.
La chute du /l/ dans les pronoms clitiques en français du Vimeu
Anne-José Villeneuve (Université de Toronto)
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Alors que l'étude de la variation dans un cadre labovien a une longue histoire de ce côté-ci de l'Atlantique, encore peu d'études variationnistes sur le français de France existent à ce jour. Portant, la comparaison des données canadiennes et hexagonales permet de tirer « des conclusions sur l'originalité et la communauté de [...] variétés de langue qui coexistent au sein de la francophonie » (Ashby 1988 : 694).
La chute du /l/ dans les pronoms clitiques il(s), elle(s), la, les, lui, leur est de ces quelques variables ayant fait l'objet d'études sociolinguistiques tant au Canada (Sankoff et Cedergren 1976, à Montréal; Poplack et Walker 1986, à Ottawa-Hull) qu'en France (Ashby 1984, en Touraine; Armstrong 1996, en Lorraine). Ces travaux ont montré que la liquide tombe plus souvent dans les sujets que dans les objets, mais que le rôle des facteurs sociaux s'avère limité au Canada, où cette variable sociolinguistique semble stable.
Dans la présente communication, j'examine la chute du /l/ dans les pronoms clitiques en français du Vimeu, une région du nord-ouest de la France où le picard-une langue gallo-romane où la chute des liquides est monnaie courante (Pooley 1996; Vasseur 1996)-jouit toujours d'une certaine vitalité. à partir d'un corpus enregistré en 2006-2007 auprès de monolingues francophones et de bilingues picard-français, j'étudie l'effet des facteurs linguistiques (type de clitique, environnement phonologique, etc.) et sociaux (âge, sexe, bilinguisme, etc.) sur cette variable.
Une analyse préliminaire expose des tendances semblables à celles notées en Touraine dans les années 1970-chute plus fréquente pour les clitiques sujets, entre autres. Par contre, l'effet quasi-catégorique du il impersonnel rejoint davantage les données des adolescents lorrains et des Canadiens.
Non seulement cette étude fournit-elle des données récentes pour le français hexagonal, mais elle examine aussi l'influence potentielle du picard.
Armstrong, Nigel (1996). Deletion of French /l/: linguistic, social and stylistic factors. Journal of French language studies 6, 1-21.
Ashby, William J. (1984). The elision of /l/ in French clitic pronouns and articles. In Ernst Pulgram (ed.), Romanitas: Studies in Romance Linguistics 1-16. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Ashby, William J. (1988). Français du Canada/français de France: divergence et convergence. The French Review 61, 693-702.
Pooley, Timothy (1996). Chtimi: the urban vernacular of northern France. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Poplack, Shana & Walker, Douglas C. (1986). Going through /l/ in Canadian French. In David Sankoff (ed.), Diversity and diachrony 173-198. Amsterdam; Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Sankoff, Gillian & Cedergren, Henrietta J. (1976). Les contraintes linguistiques et sociales de l'élision du L chez les Montréalais. In Marcel Boudreault & Frankwalt Möhren (eds.), Actes du XIIIe congrès international de linguistique et de philologie romanes 1101-1117. Québec: Presses de l'Université Laval.
Vasseur, Gaston (1996). Grammaire des parlers picards du Vimeu (Somme): avec considération spéciale du dialecte de Nibas. Abbeville: F. Paillart.
Qu'est-il advenu du subjonctif à Pembroke (Ontario) ?
D. Rick Grimm (Université York)
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En français parlé au Canada, il existe diverses constructions verbales qui peuvent amener le mode subjonctif dans la subordonnée (il veut / aimerait / a peur que je parte). Les études portant sur cette variable au Canada montrent que parmi cette liste de constructions, i) le verbe d'obligation FALLOIR+QUE représente au moins 67% de toutes les constructions utilisées dans la principale et que ii) ce verbe se fait suivre catégoriquement ou presque d'une forme au subjonctif (par rapport aux formes qui le concurrencent, tel le présent de l'indicatif).
La présente recherche examine l'emploi du mode subjonctif dans le français parlé à Pembroke (Ontario), ville qui se caractérise par une faible concentration locale de francophones (6% des 13.000 habitants en 2001). Les données proviennent d'un échantillon de 31 adolescents francophones (177.000 mots au total) dont l'usage quotidien du français est variablement restreint.
D'après nos résultats quantitatifs, le subjonctif et les contextes qui l'admettent sont rarissimes à Pembroke (42 occurrences du subj. sur 68 contextes). La maigre présence du mode dans la subordonnée s'explique par une réduction appréciable de FALLOIR+QUE (N=19/68), qui joue un rôle capital dans le maintien du subjonctif en français canadien. Nous observons par ailleurs que les locuteurs à Pembroke semblent éviter ce mode et optent plutôt pour des expressions d'obligation qui prennent un complément infinitif, notamment DEVOIR, p. ex. je dois partir (N=144/234), et FALLOIR, p. ex. il / on faut partir (N=51/234).* En nous basant sur des comparaisons de la distribution des expressions d'obligation en français L1 (Hawkesbury, Ottawa-Hull), L2 (Toronto, Montréal) et dans le discours de 10 enseignants francophones enregistrés en salle de classe à Pembroke, nous montrons que les locuteurs minoritaires à Pembroke affichent des tendances qui leur sont propres et que le choix des expressions d'obligation est corrélé avec l'intensité relative de restriction linguistique des locuteurs.
* Certaines variétés du français parlé au Canada admettent falloir comme verbe personnel.
Auger, Julie. (2011). L'emploi des modes indicatif et subjonctif dans le français parlé de la ville de Québec. Langues et linguistique, numéro spécial, p. 1-6.
Comeau, Philip. (2011). A window on the past, a move toward the future: sociolinguistic and formal perspectives on variation in Acadian French. Thèse de doctorat inédite, Université York, Toronto.
Grimm, D. Rick (2012). L'emploi variable du mode subjonctif dans le français parlé à Hawkesbury (Ontario). Communication livrée au 4e colloque bisannuel Les français d'ici, Université de Sherbrooke, juin 2012.
Lealess, Allison (2005). En français, il faut qu'on parle bien: Assessing native-like proficiency in L2 French. Mémoire de maîtrise inédit. Université d'Ottawa.
Mougeon, Raymond, Nadasdi, Terry et Rehner, Katherine. (2009). Évolution de l'alternance je vas/je vais/je m'en vas/je m'en vais/m'as dans le parler d'adolescents franco-ontariens. Dans L. Baronian & F. Martineau (dirs.), Le français d'un continent à l'autre (p. 327-374). Québec: Les Presses de l'Université Laval.
Poplack, S. (1990). Prescription, intuition et usage: le subjonctif français et la variabilité inhérente. Langage et société, 54, 5-33.
To my lady say: "Thus speaks your servant": Sociolinguistic variation and the Gender Paradox in the Old Babylonian of Mari
André Arsenault (University of Toronto)
The Gender Paradox underlies one of the most pervasive principles of sociolinguistic variation. It states that when a linguistic change is stable, women are more likely than men to use overtly prescribed (conservative) and prestige forms than men (Labov 2001: 188). Conversely, when a new variable enters the language, from above or below, those most likely to spearhead the adoption of the new form are women (Labov 2001: 274-75, 292-93). Plainly put women are at the same time more conservative and more innovative than their male peers. How is this phenomenon to be explained? What is it that gives women this greater breadth of linguistic behaviour? The field is divided into two camps: the biological and the social. The former claims that women have greater linguistic mastery and sensitivity based on innate biological differences (see Chambers 2009) while the later places emphasis on the subservient social role of females, a situation that forces them to exploit language behaviours in order to advance - or simply maintain - their place in society (Eckert 2000: 192).
The research presented here deals with linguistic variation at the phonological level in the Mari dialect of Old Babylonian (OB) (ca. 1700 BCE), in what is now on the Syrian side of the Syria/Iraq border. Since their discovery beginning in the 1930s, the cuneiform tablets have revealed a new dialect of OB, the most recognizable feature of which is the vocalic contraction ia > e. Grammarians of the language attribute this to outside influence from the scribe's native language, presumably Amorite, a West Semitic language much closer to Hebrew than Babylonian. The variation is seen as scribal whim at best if not simply poor grammar (Finet: 9).
The analysis of the data shows that, rather than being haphazard as has been claimed so far, the variation patterns across sex/gender lines just as we would expect given the Gender Paradox present in contemporary data. This has implications for both Assyriology and Sociolinguistics. First, it suggests that OB was in fact a spoken language at Mari rather than a bastardized foreign grapholect and second, it serves as the earliest attestation of the Gender Paradox in written history.
Chambers, J. (2009) Sociolinguistic Theory. Oxford and Malden: Wiley-Blackwell
Eckert, P. (2000) Language Variation as Social Practice. Oxford and Malden: Blackwell.
Finet, A. (1956) L'Akkadien des lettres de Mari. Mémoires de la classe des lettres et des sciences morales et politiques, Académie Royale de Belgique. Gembloux: Imprimerie J. Duculot.
Labov, W. (2001) Principles of Linguistic Change: Volume 2: Social Factors. Malden and Oxford: Blackwell.
"I Ain't Frontin'!": Investigating Canadian hip-hop artists' identity performances
Jessica Spieker (York University)
In hip hop culture, being perceived as authentic or "keepin' it real" is of utmost importance, and one way of doing so is to demonstrate loyalty to one's roots, which almost always involves rapping in one's regional linguistic variety/ies (Basu & Lemelle 2006). However, within the domain of musical performance there exists a factor that could influence phonetic variation: the pressure to appeal to certain audiences in order to gain popularity. This factor could operate in opposition to the pressure to rap in one's local variety, perhaps motivating an artist to import features from other language varieties or to suppress features of their variety. Variationist research to date has rarely focused on how this kind of 'referee design' (Bell 1984) influences variation occurring in performed speech (but see Trudgill 1983, Alim 2006).
In order to investigate how this factor influences variation, I assembled a corpus of tokens of Canadian Raising (or CR, see Chambers 1973) drawn from interviews with the same Canadian hip hop artists represented in my corpus of recorded lyrics (Spieker 2009). I used Praat (Boersma & Weenink, n.d.) to measure tokens' formant values, normalized the measurements using the Vowels package (Kendall and Thomas 2010) in R (R Development Core Team 2011), and conducted my analyses with Rbrul. Because a difference in rates between the two styles would indicate an effort to perform a desired identity, I compared these results with those obtained from my analysis of CR in recorded lyrics (Spieker 2012).
Preliminary results suggest that artists respond to these pressures in complex ways: while rates of CR are relatively similar across artists' spontaneous speech, rates vary greatly in artists' lyrics, indicating that some artists choose to sound Canadian while others hybridize their output in the direction of another target variety. This analysis gives the first quantitative insight into how Canadian artists are affected by cultural pressures to modify their linguistic output.
Alim, H. Samy. 2006. Roc the Mic Right: The Language of Hip Hop Culture. New York: Routledge.
Basu, Dipa & Sid Lemelle (eds.). 2006. The vinyl ain't final: Hip hop and the globalization of black popular culture. London: Pluto Press.
Bell, Allan. 1984. Language style as audience design. Language in Society 13: 145-204.
Boersma, Paul and Weenink, David. n.d. Praat: Doing Phonetics by Computer. Retrieved October 29, 2008, from http://www.fon.hum.uva.nl/praat/
Chambers, J.K. 1973. Canadian Raising. Canadian Journal of Linguistics, 18, 113-135.
Kendall, Tyler and Erik R. Thomas. 2010. VOWELS: Vowel Manipulation, Normalization and Plotting Package, Version 1.1. Documentation retrieved May 15, 2012 from http://cran.r-project.org/web/packages/vowels/vowels.pdf
R Development Core Team. 2011. R: A Language and Environment for Statistical Computing [Computer program]. Version 2.13.1. Retrieved July 09, 2011 from http://www.R-project.org
Spieker, Jessica. 2009. Constructions of Local and Non-Local Identity in Canadian Hip Hop. Master's Dissertation. London, ON: The University of Western Ontario.
Spieker, Jessica. 2012. Regional Differentiation in Canadian Raising in Canadian Hip Hop Lyrics. Oral Presentation at the Canadian Linguistic Association (CLA), Waterloo, ON.
Trudgill, Peter. 1983. On Dialect: Social and Geographical Perspectives. New York: New York University Press.
Phonemic relations and indeterminacy among the low vowels of Canadian English
Charles Boberg (McGill University)
The phonemic structure of the low vowel space of Canadian English has long been uncertain. Gregg (1957: 22) suggested that only some Vancouverites distinguish three vowels in gather, father and bother, while Scargill and Warkentyne (1972: 59) reported that half of Canadians agree that father and bother rhyme. Boberg (2008: 136) shows that father and bother are now merged in Standard Canadian English. Yet Boberg (2009) finds that some "foreign-a" words, like pasta and drama, have a phonetic quality between those of native /æ/ words, like gather, and native /ah/ or /o/ words, like father or bother, which implies a two-way distinction among three low vowel qualities, but only with foreign words. This paper presents a further investigation of foreign-a nativization in Canadian English, adding minimal pair judgments to the acoustic production data reported in Boberg (2009).
Similarity judgments of 34 word-pairs were elicited from 67 university students from across Canada. 25 pairs contrasted a foreign-a word with a native /æ/ or /ah-o/ word, including minimal pairs like can't and Kant and potential rhymes like frog and Prague. Over a third of these display substantial inter-speaker variability: 'same' judgments were made by 72% of participants for a rack and Iraq; 66% for comma and drama; 40% for con and Khan; and 37% for can't and Kant; 'different' judgments were made by 58% for sob and Saab and 57% for dagger and lager. There were also intraspeaker inconsistencies suggesting phonemic indeterminacy: 10% of participants claim drama rhymes with both gamma and trauma, while 28% say lager rhymes with neither dagger nor logger. In general, however, evidence of an intermediate foreign-a phoneme was not as strong as in the acoustic production data of Boberg (2009), casting some doubt on the utility of minimal pair judgments in the analysis of phonemic relations.
Boberg, Charles. 2009. The emergence of a new phoneme: Foreign (a) in Canadian English. Language Variation and Change 21/3: 355-380.
Boberg, Charles. 2008. Regional phonetic differentiation in Standard Canadian English. Journal of English Linguistics 36/2: 129-154.
Gregg, R.J. 1957. Notes on the pronunciation of Canadian English as spoken in Vancouver, B.C. Journal of the Canadian Linguistic Association 3/1: 20-26.
Scargill, Matthew Henry, and Henry J. Warkentyne. 1972. The Survey of Canadian English: a report. English Quarterly 5/3: 47-104.
Didja know? Affrication across word boundaries in Canadian and northeastern American English
Thea Knowles and Carol Little (McGill University)
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The present study investigates affrication across word boundaries as an allophonic process that distinguishes Canadian (CE) and American English (AE). Affrication is a postlexical phonological process that exists in most dialects of English. This study investigates cases where coronal stops become alveopalatal affricates when followed by /j/. Previous reports on affrication mention no patterns of social or stylistic variation of affrication across word boundaries (cf. Woods 1999, Clarke 1993). There have been no comparisons of word boundary affrication between American English and Canadian English to date.
Ten Canadian English speakers and ten northeastern US English speakers were recorded reading aloud a monologue containing a word final /t/ or /d/ followed by a word initial /j/ (e.g. "did you", "what you", "and yet"). Each speaker read the monologue twice, and word boundary affrication instances were collected on the second elicitation, the assumption that being familiar with the text would allow for a more natural speech pattern. Data was compared cross-dialectically.
Overall, AE speakers were found significantly more likely to produce affrication than CE speakers (p < 0.01). Both groups are more likely to produce affrication on a /d/ rather than a /t/. For AE speakers, this accounted for 48% of all /d/ contexts vs. 26% for CE speakers. Affrication was also more likely to occur for both groups when the stop belonged to a past-tense morpheme, a coda cluster, or frequent word combinations (e.g. "did you" rather than "bide your"). Unsurprisingly, affrication did not appear for either group across sentential boundaries.
Past studies (Clarke 1993) have suggested that there is a growing trend of homogeneity in North American English. However, the results of this study suggest that regarding the phonological process of affrication, the speech patterns on either side of the American/Canadian border have a ways to go before this homogeneity is achieved.
Clarke, Sandra. "The Americanization of Canadian Pronunciation: A Survey of Palatal Glide Usage." Focus on Canada. Amsterdam: J. Benjamins Pub., 1993. Print.
Woods, Howard B. The Ottawa Survey of Canadian English. Kingston, Ont: Strathy Language Unit, Queen's University, 1999. Print.
Core and periphery in the spread of /ai/-raising
J. K. Chambers (University of Toronto)
Diffusion of /ai/-Raising into the Great Lakes basin and Philadelphia allows detailed comparison with the phonology of the Canadian Raising of /ai/. Despite overlapping phonetics, American /ai/-Raising provides variations on the Canadian prototype. Two aspects are especially remarkable. First, among the diffusing elements are inherently opaque lexical elements, the SPIDER lexical set, that appear to be spreading regionally even in the absence of direct contact. Second, the categorical aspects of /ai/-Raising as it spreads are the classic Canadian Raising contexts. Instrumentally and statistically, /ai/-diphthongs before tautosyllabic voiceless consonants form the predictable and productive core of the process as it spreads. Phonology must somehow integrate these two aspects-contextually predictable processes, and unpredictable opaque extensions that appear to be modeled on the predictable outputs. The phenomena fall along a cline of exemplariness from central prototypes to peripheral derivatives, the model for real-world categories of all kinds, apparently including phonological categories.